"May I Speak With the DJ?"
Industry Consolidation, Computer Technologies,
and Their Impact on Radio in the Late 1990s: A Case Study

Tricia L. Nellessen &
Robert M. Brady
@ The University of Arkansas

Abstract

After Congress enacted the Telecommunications Act of 1996, the radio industry experienced an increase in the number of large radio corporations and moved away from a history characterized by immediate broadcasting and local programming. FCC deregulation promoted the expansion of larger radio corporations that implemented new technologies such as voicetracking, local syndication, and music automation in a search for long-term cost-effectiveness. These technologies are often referred to as "virtual" and have changed some of the fundamental features of American radio. This study examines some of the changes in the radio industry of the late 1990s through a case study of a group of radio stations that implemented these new technologies.

After signing the landmark Telecommunications Act on February 8, 1996, President Bill Clinton concluded:

President Clinton’s use of the word "virtually" is ironic in this context since it describes the likely path of contemporary radio in the United States. After restraints on ownership were lifted following the passage of the Telecommunications Act, large corporations not only moved into the economic landscape of radio (Douglas, 1999; Berry & Waldfogel, 1999) but also introduced technological changes known in the industry as "virtual" radio. These technologies may have signaled the elimination of two historically central characteristics of radio: immediate broadcasting and local programming.

In the past, radio stations in the same metro survey area often had different types of programming, yet still featured on-air personnel to provide immediate broadcasting ability and localize their programming to the market area (Maltin, 1997; McChesney, 1993; Nachman, 1998). Historically, the air staff reported local events and understood the nuances of the market because it was a part of this environment. An air talent, for instance, could look out the window and inform the listener about the immediacy of the warning just issued by the National Weather Service, comment about the dime size hail coming down, or report the location and severity of a local traffic accident because he/she was broadcasting live from the same metro area.

Radio company ownership encouraged this local programming until deregulation altered the structure of the radio industry in the late 1980s and 1990s. Previously radio had been dominated by small companies and actively regulated by the FCC (Barnouw, 1966; Bilby, 1986; Smith, 1990; Tunstall, 1986). Deregulation encouraged the growth of large radio corporations (Black, 1984; Kahn, 1984; McChesney, 1993). These corporations sought cost-effectiveness in the workplace, and implemented technologies that they hoped would provide the greatest level of performance with the least number of employees (Wilkerson, 1998). These technological advances have been dubbed as "virtual" (The Research Group) because they do not require human presence at the time of broadcast. As a result, these innovations also permitted stations to operate with fewer employees and immediate broadcasting and local programming no longer defined American radio.

As machines replaced many employees in the 1990s, radio stations became increasingly automated (Black, 1984; Singh, 1983). Due to station consolidation by radio corporations, many signals have sister stations in the same building and shifts that previously required human supervision can now employ a pre-recorded voice and a computer program that automates many station functions (Dorsey, 1999). These sister stations are owned by the same company, cover similar listening areas, and may even be housed in the same facility.

The consolidation of stations and implementation of these new technologies by large radio corporations created two phenomena. First, it became very difficult and often impossible to broadcast with any degree of immediacy in the event of an emergency encountered during these shifts. Second, programming was effectively no longer local because voicetracked air shifts could be pre-recorded by a talent out of the market, and entire shifts could be recorded days prior to the actual broadcast (The Research Group). These technologies, therefore, have done more than just provide cost effective methods of operation, they have functioned to alter the radio product.

Trade publications, such as Radio Ink and R&R Today, have published numerous articles since 1995 focusing on these new technologies and employees' concerns about corporate consolidation (Denver's at the, 1998; Jeff Marcus on, 1998; Radio Ink Executive, 1998; The Next Ten, 1998; Now It's Cox's, 1998; Which Groups Dominate, 1998). But, these articles seldom focused on the effects these technologies had on radio’s content and delivery. In particular, they failed to notice that the ability to immediately broadcast local information to the public had often been lost in the rush for cost savings and technological innovation.

The purpose of this research was to investigate the changes occurring in radio as evidenced in the northwest Arkansas market (one of the first markets in which many of the new technologies were applied) through an in-depth case study of a group of four radio stations located in Fayetteville.1

The President/CEO of Capstar2, Steve Hicks, in a 1998 interview, concluded:

The 1996 Telecommunications Act increased the number of stations that could be acquired by any one corporation. Instead of limiting the number of stations with the 12/12/12 rule, the FCC limited ownership to fifty percent of the ratings in a market. As a result, a number of large corporations purchased multiple stations (Lartigue Buys, 1998; Now It's Cox's, 1998; Rathbun, 1996; Saga Prepares" 1998; Station Transactions, March 4, 1998; Station Transactions, March 9, 1998).

Gulfstar Communications, already one of the largest radio corporations, took advantage of this opportunity when they purchased four signals with the call letters KKIX, KKZQ (subsequently renamed KMFX), KEZA, and KJEM (Gulfstar Communications, 1997). Until this purchase, Gulfstar had not owned a signal in the Northwest Arkansas region. The sister stations of KKIX, KEZA, KMFX, and KJEM are the focus of this study.

Industry papers in the late 1990s frequently reported the mergers and rapid growth of American radio corporations with headlines such as: "Capstar Broadcasting buying Spree pays off…Capstar acquired Benchmark Communications and agreed to buy SFX Broadcasting" (Jacor's Sam Zell, 1997); "The deal would give Sinclair three AMs and six FMs in the Big Easy…The Telecommunications Act caps ownership at seven stations in a market that size" (Sinclair Closes, 1998). Headlines also announced that companies purchased their competitors: "In a deal worth $50.2 million, Milwaukee-based Cumulus sweeps through Jim Ingstad's stable and brings its fast-growing empire to a total of 131 stations in 17 states and 27 markets" (Sinclair Closes, 1998); and "Big City CEO, Paul Thompson tells R&R Today the company will continue to expand in the top 20 markets…proceeds will be used in part to finance future acquisitions" (Station Transactions, March 4, 1998).

These headlines looked like shopping lists for radio corporations. "I thought of April to the end of 1996 as kind of like the world's longest Easter egg hunt. We were just running around grabbing up stations," stated John Cullen when asked about Gulfstar's rapid growth (Interview: John Cullen, 1997, p. 17). Only a short time later, Steve Hicks, President/CEO of Capstar, forcefully concluded: "I don't think there is any doubt now in the vision that there probably are going to be two to four very large radio companies that are going to set the standard for the way radio business is being done" (Radio Ink Executive, 1998, p. 16). As a result, stations in many markets are increasingly becoming divided among three or four companies that control their region. Small radio stations are slowly being forced to expand, sell out, or move to very small markets where corporate interest has not yet surfaced.

As these very large corporations continue to gain economic control over the radio marketplace, cost effectiveness becomes one of the prime considerations. They look for more profit through increases in revenue and then re-invest in technologies that can improve efficiency. This search for cost-effective means to conduct business was the reason corporations moved to the use of the virtual technologies such as voicetracking, digital editing, and wide area networks during the 1990s (Wilkerson, 1998). One of the first areas to be affected by these technological changes was the station's traditional "control room."

Before the shift to virtual technologies in the late 1990s, the typical control room for a radio station consisted of a control board that had separate channels for CD players, microphones, and other equipment. Microphones, reel-to-reel machines, and cart machines (analog recording devices used to play individual or multiple commercials or short pre-recorded segments) each had a separate channel. The DJ could mix (adjust according to audible sound level) the audio airing by adjusting the channel strength, and each song or commercial was manually selected and played. Air shifts and all remote broadcasts required a person to run the control board and mix the elements being broadcast over the air.

Three CD players usually sat to the side of the board, and these were loaded and individually operated by the DJ to play the music that the audience heard. A cart machine was used to play music under the DJ's voices during a broadcast, sound effects, or commercials. As a result, a DJ was needed at the station anytime the station was in operation.

The DJ's typical air shift lasted from four to five hours a day. CD's were located on a nearby wall, and they were numbered for identification. The DJ referred to a log that the program director had prepared, and he/she pulled the needed CD's in order and subsequently loaded them in the players as needed. With DJs answering the phones, running contests, and playing everything manually, little time was available for anything else.

All recording and editing was done on analog machines. This meant actual cutting of the raw tape and splicing together the pieces. Editing a reel of tape was an art, and relied on the human ear. The tape had to be carefully monitored, marked at the exact point of the needed cut, and then severed with a razor blade. The pieces left over were re-attached by adhesive splicing tape designed for that purpose. If a reel tape was cut incorrectly, the piece was lost. Cart machines operated the same way. These analog devices were time consuming and frustrating for most DJs.

A DJ usually had a four to five hour air shift and then performed two to three hours of production work. Production included commercials, sweepers, and promotions. Editing of these production pieces used a combination of equipment including reel-to-reel, cart, computer software, and CDs. The production rooms were often equipped with a player for each of these mediums as well as a networked computer that served the control rooms and other production rooms.

Commercial logs or paper lists told the DJ when each spot was to play and in what order. While the station's computer information system could be programmed to generate these commercials in the correct order, the DJ had to manually play them at the appropriate time. Again, someone was needed at the station to operate the controls. Programming and staff remained locally based because station operation effectively required that someone be in the studio.

Control rooms still have the boards for mixing and the microphones for the air staff, but these aren't in use during voicetracking (pre-recorded shows which sound live) or virtual remotes (live broadcasts which use a voicetracked DJ for the in-studio voice). A modern control room has one or two computer terminals that access the company's network. The computer network stores all of the music for the group of sister stations, all of the commercials, and all of the voicetracks. A log created by the programmer holds each required item at the appropriate space. Voicetracks are the pre-recorded voices of DJs from many locations (Scherer, 2000). These DJs can pre-record a show and download it to any location on the wide area network (Broadcast Programming). Once stored in the station's computer information system, no one had to be present during an air shift. A broadcast could be programmed and even monitored from separate locations.

Compact disc players are still a part of the control room, but they are only used as a back-up system in the event of a computer failure (Rosen, 2000). CDs may still line the walls, but they are only used in an emergency. Cart machines are rarely used and reel-to-reel machines generally collect dust in the corner. Phone calls can be recorded on the same computer system that stores all of the music, commercials, and voicetracks. Digital editing allows the air talent to produce elements much quicker than analog, and all of these elements can be accessed from the same network. The station's computer network is now "virtual radio."

The network is capable of holding the music, sweepers, sound effects, music beds, commercials, promos, and voicetracks (pre-recorded voices) of multiple stations. Each station typically requires at least three to five hundred songs in rotation, and each DJ has multiple music segments and sound effects to incorporate into their program. At any one time, stations also have anywhere from three to ten promos in rotation, a few hundred commercials, and dozens of sweepers. These elements are now part of a single information system network.

Corporations are beginning to connect the networks of various stations in markets throughout the country so that all music can be programmed from a central location (Taylor, 1998). Conceivably, a market's music programming can be chosen and implemented in a completely different region of the country. Music automation categorizes songs by use of general formats such as country, contemporary hit radio, adult contemporary, etc. Music can be elected for numerous stations from a centralized location by a much smaller staff of programmers (Sinclair, 1999).

As recently as 1998, music selection traditionally was one of the primary jobs for the station's music director. Computer programs initially alleviated some of the tedious tasks of the music and program directors such as filing and organizing the music. However, now the need for music directors is reduced with the increased use of music automation (often based out of a completely different market).

Callers and other pre-recorded segments may be digitally recorded on the same computer system (Fluker, 2000). Digital recording allows a DJ to view the sound file and edit by sight, not just by sound. This capability cuts editing time, provides greater versatility, and is cost effective. Steve Hicks describes the possibilities for even more centralized production as follows:

Although production has not been completely moved out of the local market (as of yet), industry insiders anticipate a future such as the one suggested by Hicks.

Voicetracking is a recent innovation that has changed radio. A DJ can go into a production room up to a week or more before the broadcast time, access the programming log (containing the music and commercials), and pre-record an air shift. Perhaps most importantly, a shift that would have required four to five hours of the DJ's time, may now be accomplished in an hour or less.

The DJ does not even need to be in the building when this voicetracked program is finally broadcast. Although many corporations have at least one person in a building at any given time, many also have oddly timed shifts (such as midnight on Saturday to six a.m. on Sunday morning) that operate without supervision. DJs sometime argue that their performance loses a touch of local flavor because of their detachment and inability to comment on exact weather phenomena or even current events. Radio consultant Gary Berkowitz remarked, "We are a business that has always been and always will be very enamored with technology. The real question is, can we make it work and make it sound like we want?" (Sanders, 2000).

Voicetracking has gained popularity with major radio corporations because of its cost effectiveness, and this popularity has inspired a number of companies such as Broadcast Programming, The WebVoice.Com, Audience Development Group, and Fast Train Productions to offer this and related services. The Research Group based out of Seattle, Washington, also offers voicetracking and consultant services to stations throughout the United States. "Mr.Weekend" advertises that it offers weekend voicetracking and a variety of commercial production capabilities. And most notably, Weatheradio suggests its "Digital Weatherman" can even offer automated weather forecasts and EAS (Emergency Alert System) warnings for numerous communities throughout the nation.

Stations may also be connected through a wide area network, or WAN (Scherer, 2000). This can connect corporately owned stations to each other across the entire nation. The WAN allows for downloading of voicetracks and easy access to the programming logs of a station for the programmer and performer alike. Individuals can access multiple stations in completely different areas of the country through their computer information system. As John Cullen stated:

A "remote" has historically been referred to as an on-air performance made by an air personality at a location other than the studio. Remotes are almost always paid events purchased by advertisers to draw listeners to visit a location. Some remotes may be for non-profit or charitable organizations, but these are a minor fraction of the overall remote schedule. An average radio station may perform one to four remotes a week depending on the season.

While a remote may have once required one in the studio to operate the control board and someone on location who used a wireless microphone to broadcast a live show, with voicetracking and the latest networking innovations, a computer can be programmed to turn on the appropriate signal at a predetermined time. As a result, a remote broadcast sounds as if one person is in the studio (the voicetracked individual), and the other is live, on location.

Syndication generally refers to the pre-recording of an entire program that is then sent via satellite to other markets. Syndicated programs include such celebrities Howard Stern, Rush Limbaugh, and Don Imus (Douglas, 1999). These programs are recognized by listeners as out of market and are not expected to report local events. In 1998, the opportunity for local syndication became reality. Local syndication provides a live radio program that is manipulated to "sound" local but is actually based from another market.

However, local syndication does not reflect immediate broadcasting or local programming. Instead, the show is sent via the computer information network to the station the day it is to air or even a week before this date. Despite being syndicated, the market's listeners are encouraged to believe that the show is local.

As a result of deregulation and these technological changes, for the first time in radio's history it is moving away from its defining principles. In particular, voicetracking, virtual remotes, and local syndication have removed the air talent from markets and replaced the DJ with a pre-recorded voice. Music automation removed control of the music from the station's staff. Radio may no longer be the most immediate source for broadcasting, and it even may not offer local programming.

Changes in the Fayetteville Market

Helton (1998) stated, "In radio--as in life and all business--those who meet the future head-on usually fare better than those mired in the unproductive exercise of fighting inevitable changes" (p. 31). The primary purpose of this research was to examine the changes that occurred in the four Northwest Arkansas Capstar radio stations: KEZA, KJEM, KKIX, and KMFX. The following sections discuss the work environment at the stations prior to the corporate buyout by Gulfstar Communications and the consolidation that followed. Comments by members of the staffs of the four stations are provided and add voice to the changes that occurred in the Northwest Arkansas radio market.

In 1995, the first author began her employment at KKIX, the number one station in market 155 (as it had been for the previous thirteen years). KKIX is a country station and the leading format in this market. She started at KKIX as the producer and on-air sidekick of the morning show. At that time, most of the air personalities had worked at that station for about one year. In 1995, KKIX had one sister station, KKZQ (now KMFX). KKZQ presented a classic rock format and was new to the market.

Both stations in 1995 required staff day and night. With each air shift averaging four to five hours, this meant that KKIX had a morning team of two DJs plus four other full time DJs just to cover the weekday schedules. KKZQ had a single morning DJ as well as four other air staff members. In addition, both stations had part-time air staffs that covered the weekend shifts. KKIX and KKZQ operated twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week with live DJs on the air. Both stations also had separate program directors based at their main building in Fayetteville. Along with input from the station’s music director, these program directors selected music along with the help of the station's music directors. As such, the music selections were tailored by the PDs for that market area.

KEZA, KJEM, KKIX, and KKZQ were each owned by separate regional radio companies until their eventual purchase by Gulfstar. Many employees served with these stations for five to ten years or more. Overall, the companies appeared to be in no danger of a take over or merger until FCC deregulation.

In 1997 and early 1998, Gulfstar Communications purchased these stations. The staffs were soon consolidated into one location. Turnover during this transition was high. Many members of management were dismissed or reassigned, and some individuals decided to move to other companies. Those who did remain, however, reaped the rewards of working for a large corporation including newer equipment, better benefits, and nicer facilities--including remodeled lobbies and new production rooms. Most of the remaining employees went through job re-training as technology changed or replaced many of their original job descriptions.

As the technology altered the workplace, employees often had mixed emotions. A programmer with over fifteen years of experience in radio commented:

As this individual suggested, Gulfstar implemented the latest technologies including digital editing, music automation, local syndication, and voicetracking. Many of these innovations reduced the need for air staff with the intent of being money saving techniques over time. Over the short term, though, many people lost jobs or had their jobs redefined by the very technology assisting them.

Voicetracking, for example, began as a convenience and later replaced a number of employees. At first, DJs from the group of sister stations learned how to use the voicetracking technology as well as how to sound live while actually pre-recorded. In the beginning, these voicetracks were only used for occasional overnight shifts. Then, KKZQ's format changed from classic rock to hot adult contemporary. The staff of KKZQ was reassigned within the company, and other air talents voicetracked all of the shifts until a new staff was in place. That was the birth of KMFX.

KMFX was the first station in the area to use extensive voicetracking. Instead of the five DJs needed to run the weekday shows and the part-timers used on the weekends on KKZQ, KMFX used two DJs coupled with voicetracking originating out of Austin, Texas. As such, no one was needed in the station during a voicetracked show.

By 1998, the air staff voicetracked and locally syndicated several shows. On KKIX, Wilhite and Wall 3 locally syndicated their morning show, and the midday shift was performed by a local personality. The afternoon shift was done by the local program director (another example of job consolidation). The evening shift on KKIX was completely voicetracked by the music director while the overnight slot was live.

KEZA had a local morning team and a local midday shift. The afternoon shift, however, was completely voicetracked. The first author performed the evening shift live. While on the air, she regularly managed the operations of all four stations (rarely was anyone else was in the building during those hours). When she left after midnight, the overnight slot on KEZA was voicetracked from Austin, Texas, and the overnight DJ on KKIX took over the station(s) operation until approximately five in the morning. The fourth station in the group, KJEM, functioned much like KMFX with extensive voicetracking. The morning team was locally syndicated. The midday air talent was actually the promotions director for the entire group of stations, and this shift was pre-recorded. Afternoons were performed live by the program director. Since voicetracking was such a convenient option, the PD could pre-record portions of his show just as the PD of KKIX did. Evenings and overnights on KJEM were voicetracked out of Austin, Texas. However, the first author recorded the weather reports for this station in the evening before she went on the air at 8:00 p.m. on KEZA.

Unquestionably, voicetracking changed the work environment at these stations. Fewer staff performed more duties with better technology. Less staff, though, often meant a lack of immediacy and a loss of local programming. With one person (or no one) monitoring four stations immediacy suffers. Information is broadcast more slowly when one person is trying to simultaneously monitor four stations. This person is often required to broadcast on one station in the event of an emergency, and then voicetrack a spot to be inserted into each of the other station's active programming logs.

The programming departments of these radio stations experienced the hands-on implementation of many of these innovations. Air staff members had to adjust to the new technologies. When asked what they thought of the new technologies (voicetracking, digital editing, local syndication, etc.) and how these innovations affected their jobs and performance, members of the programming departments often responded in similar ways. For instance, a radio employee with over twenty years of experience as a program director, operations manager, news director, and on-air talent, remarked:

Other programming staff members expressed similar concerns. Although management did not explicitly suggest that the staff should be deceptive about the station’s reliance on voicetracking, steps were taken to give the appearance that the shows were live. One air talent explained her perspective when placed in this situation: "I know that if I'm caught in the store by a listener who asks how she could have just heard me on the air, I'll tell her I'm voicetracked. But, honestly, we all try to keep up the illusion that it is live unless we're backed into a corner and have to tell." In fact, KKIX initially placed the phone lines on hold during a voicetracked shift so that if a listener called the station he/she received a busy signal (and likely assumed someone was present and talking on the phone). Later, a version of voicemail that allowed the listener to record his/her request or comment was added.

There were numerous moments where DJs were left wondering what to say when a listener called in and asked to talk to (or even meet) an air talent who was actually based out of another city. Most programming staff members usually came up with an excuse like "He just stepped into a meeting" or "Oh, she's out of the control room and I'm not sure where she is, may I take a message?"

These situations were often awkward for most DJs. For instance, one evening when the first author was on the air during her regular eight to midnight shift on KEZA, the other KEZA and KKIX station members were playing in a charity basketball tournament. The game had been heavily promoted on both stations, and it ended at about ten o'clock. KKIX was voicetracked until midnight and the phone lines were left on hold so that any listener calling in would receive a busy signal. Obviously, the voicetracked DJ could not comment on the outcome of the game because the winner had not been determined when he pre-recorded his shift.

However, the first author reported the results of the game on KEZA as soon as it concluded. Yet, about fifteen minutes later she received a call from a KKIX listener who asked, "Excuse me ma'am, but we've been waiting to hear the result of the game, and I can't get through to that DJ. We listen to KIX104 [KKIX] all the time, but I just can't get through on the phone. You need to tell that DJ to get off it." The first author asked what she could do to help (without admitting that KKIX's DJ was voicetracked). As it turned out, the caller only wanted the result of the game. When she was informed that KEZA had beaten her favorite station, she remarked "Well, it serves them right. After all the time I've been trying to call that DJ, I'm kind of glad your station did win!"

While many of the staff avoided discussing voicetracking with listeners, the topic was frequently encountered during conversations between station personnel and often criticized by competitor stations. Competitors would air sweepers referring to the "real DJs" on their station’s staff. Although many listeners may not have understood the reference (nor that "out of area" voices were widely used), the meaning within the industry was clear.

An air staff member and assistant program director of one of the sister stations (that heavily used multiple voicetracked DJs from out of the area) stated,

On the other hand, a air staff member with over fifteen years experience, commented:

A common thread through all of these comments, though, reflected the loss of immediacy and local programming. Voicetracks recorded in different places and/or at different times rarely equal local programming.

Yet, if voicetracking, digital editing, and local syndication make the jobs more cost effective and easier, why do some of these employees have reservations about the latest advancements in radio technology? When asked, one air talent with experience in multiple markets responded:

Air talents often find that voicetracking can free their time and provide needed relief when they are required elsewhere. Digital editing has, of course, made editing easier and faster; and local syndication allows a few people to do what was the work of many. These advances have allowed some individuals to expand their duties, and look forward to an adventuresome future. Others are concerned with the changes that the technology is producing. With ten years of radio experience and thirteen years of television experience, a prominent Northwest Arkansas weather anchor stated,

Another programmer also pointed to these potential crisis situations when he said:

Although EAS reports major crises, locally relevant material may not be broadcast unless the local DJ reports it (Hindman & Coyle, 1999). For example, one evening in March 1998 severe weather hit the Northwest Arkansas area when three of the radio stations were voicetracked and the first author was in the control room running her on air shift. On their own volition, other members of the staff arrived at the station in order to provide assistance. These staff members were not required to be present, but they came in because they realized that the public needed information in a timely manner.

Just as many jobs have been replaced by these innovations, many job descriptions have been changed as well. For personalities who remained in the industry, their jobs became more diversified. Production and promotion directors were often required to record a voicetracked air shift. Voicetracking could also used in the event that a DJ became ill and needed to leave or had a personal emergency. But some job opportunities are reduced, and many people appeared concerned with their job security. As one air talent commented, "You spend everyday wondering if you will have a job or will be replaced by a voice three hundred miles away. You have no sense of security, and I think to do a job well you need security."

The sales department has the challenge of selling airtime to businesses for advertising. While the programming staff creates a product, the sales staff has to convince advertisers that it is a valuable and profitable item. This sounds simple enough, but "air" can be difficult to define and justify. With the latest changes in product (the on-air presentation), members of the sales department often talked about how they felt it affected their jobs and the profitability of the medium. One salesperson characterized the advantages and disadvantages of voicetracking as:

And, a veteran salesperson of fifteen years explained,

Other interviewees expressed similar hopes and reservations. Sales people consistently referred to how the voicetracked shifts would "rate" or how they would be "ranked" in the overall market. Quality was the goal--and the innovations seemed to improve quality. Improved quality generally increased ratings, and this most directly influenced the sales department's ability to sell the station's product (Douglas, 1999).

Conclusions

When asked what he thought of the recent upheaval within the radio industry, a program director stated,

These changes include the formation and growth of large radio corporations. Historically, each station had a program director and air staff specific to that market. At present, the program director often faxes information to air talents in different cities. The air talents can be advised of the nuances of a market, but it is often difficult to understand a community without living there. Therefore, stations begin to sound less localized and more homogenized. Air staff used to describe local events; public service announcements were made for local organizations; and the staff was on site to broadcast the latest news and weather conditions. In 2000, the staff broadcasts many events, but may not appear at them. The staff mentions local conditions, but cannot provide specifics because the staff is not really at that location.

Since the FCC deregulation, large corporations have moved to dominate the radio industry and implement new technologies. Machines replaced many employees, and major local radio stations are unsupervised and automated for the first time in history. It is very difficult and often impossible to broadcast in the event of an emergency during these shifts. Virtual radio replaced the person running an air shift with a pre-recorded voice. Shifts can be locally syndicated, voicetracked, downloaded from different states, and are altogether different than ever before in radio's history. Virtual radio has altered the industry simply by its creation (Pellegrini, 1997). Yet, virtual radio's true significance lies in its complete disregard for the very two absolutes that outlined the borders of the radio industry until this point. Radio is no longer local in programming, nor does it feature immediate broadcasting.

Much of our concerns are summarized by one of the station’s programmers with 27 years of experience who, when recently was re-interviewed concluded:

Notes

1 According to Feagin, Orum, and Sjoberg (1991), a case study is "defined as an in-depth, multifaceted investigation, using qualitative research methods, of a single phenomenon" (p. 2). The methods for a case study typically include ethnographic research such as participant observation, examination of life or social histories, and interviews.

This study included participant observation and interviews with members of the staff of the highest rated station in market 155, KKIX (country) as well as its sister stations KKZQ (now KMFX, hot adult contemporary), KEZA (adult contemporary) and KJEM (classic rock).

Ethnographic and respondent interviews were also conducted. Lindlof (1995) suggested that ethnographic interviews often occur during the course of participant observer study. These interviews happen spontaneously during participant observation, and they are considered the most informal and conversational type of interview. Respondent interviews, however, are performed in a more traditional setting. The interviewee is asked a set of prepared questions in a comfortable pre-selected setting, and the answers are usually recorded.

Ethnographic interviews were essential to the study because many employees only appeared comfortable relating experiences and opinions to one another in very informal situations. As Lindlof (1995) stated, "The researcher must be able to identify quickly something of interest in what is said or done and develop a line of questioning on the spot" (p. 170). Interviews of this type were conducted with over fifty individuals in programming and sales at different times. All ethnographic interviews were conducted spontaneously. Locations varied from conference rooms (after a meeting) to automobiles (as we were driving home after a concert). Topics were varied and ranged from news and weather coverage changes, personal opinions of the shift in radio, and opinions about changing job descriptions and employee turnover.

The field notes and ethnographic interviews were supplemented by respondent interviews with twenty-eight members of the programming staff, and ten members of the sales staff. Interviewees were chosen by level of experience in the industry and job description and each had at least one year of experience in radio and a position in either sales or programming.

Interviews were held in a comfortable location for the interviewee (usually a conference room), and each interviewee was asked a series of questions regarding virtual radio and the changes occurring in the industry. The questions were kept open so that the interviewee could focus on the issues he/she found most relevant. The questions were:

2 Gulfstar became Capstar and was purchased by AMFM in 1999 and was sold to Clear Channel less than a year later (Chancellor Media and, 1998).

3 Darren Wilhite and Tim Wall's highly rated morning show on KKIX vividly illustrated the notion of local syndication in the Northwest Arkansas market. This technology permitted Wilhite and Wall to broadcast their morning show on multiple radio stations at the same time of day from one location. In order to sound local though, Wilhite and Wall recorded separate time checks (announcements of the hour and minute of the day) for every minute of every hour of the day for the out of market station on which they would air. They spent hours in the production studio recording "liners" which said "KMAG" instead of "KKIX." Both men received extensive training on the intricacies of the new computer controlled digital editing and recording system.

During their morning show, Wilhite and Wall recorded breaks to run on their local station, KKIX, and then immediately recorded a break for KMAG in Fort Smith, Arkansas. In other words, while their listeners heard music, the DJs were doing breaks on another station out of the area. Local announcements and time checks were already pre-recorded and loaded into the station's computer information system to play at the needed moment. Local weather and news updates were transmitted to the DJs through the WAN and came across on the computer screen. Special phone connections even permitted Wilhite and Wall to receive calls from the other markets where their show was aired.

After a brief period of success with Wilhite and Wall on KKIX, Gulfstar also locally syndicated another morning show based on KJEM's signal out of Fayetteville, Arkansas. John Williams and Zak Arns morning show was broadcast in Fayetteville and Victoria, Texas.

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